Hugo Chavez: The Definitive Biography of Venezuela’s Controversial President by Cristina Marcano, Alberto Barrera Tyszka, Moises Naim, and Kristina Cordero

This book has been described as an unbiased look at Hugo Chavez but in my opinion it doesn’t quite live up to that description. The Authors’ Note touches upon the difficulty of such an endeavor, quoting Georg Lichtenberg from the 18th century: “Even impartiality is partial.” My impression is that the authors recognized a need for change in Venezuela in the 1990s — and may even have had sympathy for such change — but they don’t believe Hugo Chavez is the proper man to lead the nation forward.

The authors’ overriding point seems to be that Chavez is power mad, driven by an unquenchable desire for ever more power. An example: “He was the man of the hour and he enjoyed it, though he never lost sight of his real goal: power and everything that went with it.” But it would be the rare political leader for whom this claim could not be made, especially one seeking such a major shakeup as Chavez. And while there is little doubt that Chavez enjoys being in the spotlight, it’s also true that his antics bring worldwide attention to issues he feels need to be addressed. At another point in the book, the authors relate an unflattering personal incident then add, “All of this, however, remains in the murky terrain of speculation,” as if the incident was too juicy to leave out, even though it was perhaps unfounded.

Having said that, the bias I perceived did not much interfere with the book. For one thing, not all of Chavez’s life story is admirable, such as the years spent plotting the failed 1992 coup while serving in the the military. As you are perhaps aware, in an odd turn of fate, this failed coup — or more accurately, the televised “for now” speech given after his surrender — turned Chavez into a folk hero and served as the springboard to his future political success.

It is important to note that the book is much more a personal biography of Chavez than it is an analysis of his policy initiatives. Some of the most interesting information is from his childhood. One incident regarding his first day of school stands out: He and his grandmother were turned away from the schoolhouse because the boy’s shoes were too shabby. Such an event leaves a lasting impression and helps explain Chavez’s bonds to the nation’s poor. As he grew older, Chavez became a voracious reader and read many books from the political left, these books being readily available at the home of two of his friends.

While roughly the first half of the book is chronological, the chapters in the second half are topic oriented, such as the one devoted to Chavez’s relationships with women. The departure from chronology is not much of a problem, but it did distract me earlier in the book when his second wife, Marisabel, was mentioned in passing, then mentioned again as an ex-wife — all before she’d been introduced to the reader. I was suprised so little was written about the actual campaign leading up to the 1998 presidential election. We read that Chavez is polling at only 7% and then, before you know it, he is being sworn into office, his support having somehow risen to 56%. The 2002 coup attempt was of course covered, and here I felt the authors were quite successful in describing it with impartiality.

This book was originally written in Spanish by the two Venezuelan journalists in 2004, updated in December 2006, and translated into English in 2007. It is packed with interesting quotes about Chavez from friends, foes, and family, and the authors took great pains to point out the quotees’ biases toward Chavez, often using descriptive phrases such as “friend of Chavez” or “opponent of the Chavez government.” The authors also did a nice job selecting the 30+ photos included in the book.

All in all, the authors did a good job of covering Chavez, and I liked the fact that they were Venezuelan and lived through the times and events described in the book.

Hugo Chavez: Oil, Politics, and the Challenge to the U.S. by Nikolas Kozloff

With all the criticism of neoconservativism (which is appropriate), it’s good that Chavez and this book bring up the issue of neoliberalism. Chavez accomplished quite a bit to educate the world on the issue when he held up Chomsky’s book Hegemony or Survival: America’s Quest for Global Dominance (American Empire Project) during his famous “el diablo” speech at the United Nations.
Kozloff does a great job of laying out how the current regime in Washington tried to overthrow Chavez. There’s actually an incredible documentary about that event called “The Revolution Will Not Be Televised” that can be found at a British Venezuelan Solidarity site.

There are several books that are sympathetic to what Chavez and his supporters are trying to achieve. Our corporate media tends to ignore their socialist movement, or to misrepresent it. If his proposals were honestly portrayed, like his recent move to shorten the workday from 8 to 6 hours, Chavez would be inspiring people here to change the system of wage slavery we’ve accepted. Overworked American: The Unexpected Decline of Leisure

It’s interesting to read the one-star reviews pro-Chavez books get. While I appreciate their perspective, my guess is that many anti-chavistas come from the wealthier classes who may not have the same advantages with Bolivarian socialism. They may even own the food stores that Chavez is saying the poor should not be punished for stealing from. That’s a quandary, and maybe they could somehow be subsidized/insured for their losses. That would beat investing in a massive prison system as we have here in the United States. We have 2.3 million people behind bars, and the number of prisoners and the costs are rising. The Perpetual Prisoner Machine: How America Profits from Crime

As a little act of solidarity, I hope to spend some tourism dollars in Venezuela in the not-too-distant future Lonely Planet Venezuela ; and to share extra copies of subtitled progressive films with the people of South America. The Corporation
In an era of transnational corporate tyranny, we need transnational labor, environmental, peace and justice efforts.

“Full opportunity for full development is the unalienable right of all. He who denies it is a tyrant; he who does not demand it is a coward; he who is indifferent to it is a slave; he who does not desire it is dead.
The earth for all the people. That is the demand.”

Hugo!: The Hugo Chavez Story from Mud Hut to Perpetual Revolution by Bart Jones

While opinions of Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez vary tremendously on a global scale, there are few defenses of him available in the United States. This biography by Bart Jones, a former AP correspondent from Venezuela, attempts to level the ground. Without taking a political stance, Jones provides a nuanced account of the Venezuelan leader’s life, creating a portrait that is, if not sympathetic, certainly more balanced than previous ones. For example, when Chávez characterized President Bush as the devil at the U.N. in 2006, most American news sources presented it as a crude and clownlike gesture. According to Jones, Chávez is hardly just a jester, but uses vulgarity to remind his friends and his enemies of his humble beginnings, as well as to win a tremendous amount of publicity. Jones’s precise and entertaining account moves smoothly through Chávez’s beginnings up to his current position, making Venezuelan history accessible

Hugo Chavez: The Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela by Richard Gott and Georges Bartoli

Forty years ago, many radicals happily jumped onto Fidel Castro’s bandwagon, captivated by the Cuban leader’s anti-imperialist rhetoric and specter of a new kind of world socialism. Today, Hugo Chavez has taken over this role, with his speeches (rightly) comparing George W. Bush to the devil at a time when no one else will speak truth to power. It is this phenomenon which makes Richard Gott’s biography so crucial.

Most newspaper accounts of Chavez obscure who he really is by painting him in such broad strokes that we are forced to take sides less on what we know about Chavez then what we know about his critics (such as the United States). This book clarifies much about Venezuelan history and the present situation.

Gott defends Chavez from his right-wing detractors by pointing out that since 1998 Chavez has been supported repeatedly by voters in Venezuela. And yet the author is not hopelessly mesmerized by Chavez. His sympathetic narrative mixes historical perspective, analysis and personal experience across three decades…but mostly goes without the uncritical eye lent Chavez by so many English-speaking radicals.

The history of the Venezuela left–both military and civilian–is extraordinarily important to understanding how Hugo Chavez launched the Bolivarian revolution over the heads of the established parties, supported by the enthusiasm of the masses. It also begs the question of the future of socialism in Latin America.

The narrative ends in early 2005, in the midst of the Bolivarian revolution, which has since tacked even further left. In 1998, Chavez advocated for a social-democratic “third way” between capitalism and communism. Today, he champions “Venezuelan socialism”, going as far as declaring “I am a Trotskyist” in reference to the anti-Stalinist Russian revolutionary Leon Trotsky.

Understanding the Venezuelan Revolution: Hugo Chavez Talks to Marta Harnecker by Hugo Chavez, Marta Harnecker, and Chesa Boudin

This is a great book to find the real truth behind the Venezuelan Revolution, unlike the rich media in the US that constantly bombards the American public with imperialistic views.

While the Bush administration, a plutocracy, is willing to do just about anything in order to avoid a new electoral victory by Hugo Chávez on December 3, 2006, Venezuela continues to implement reforms aimed at further improving the standard of living of the population. Its prestige in the continent is proportionally direct to the twilight of US influence in the region. The reason for that is quite simple: while Venezuela has destined 28 billion dollars in terms of external assistance for its neighbors for a seven-year term-an annual average of 3,6 billion dollars-, the United States has announced a massive decrease of its contribution for the year 2007, with a 28,5-percent fall in the assistance for the development of Latin America and the Caribbean, a 10-percent fall in medical assistance and an 11-pecent decrease of its financial contribution to the Organization of American States (OAS). Messages also opposed each other in this area: Caracas contributes 3,6 billion dollars annually as part of its assistance for Latin America, while Washington expects to decrease its 1,2 billion-dollar economic support.

The Bolivarian government successfully challenges the neo-liberal doctrine, which is unsustainable in social, economic and political terms and that explains the anger of the White House. Despite several aggressions and threats coming from the U.S., President Chávez launched signs of opening to Washington by saying: “If they change that attitude, we will respond in the same way. Everything can be improved, if they show respect for our sovereignty, respect for our decisions”. However, is not very probable that reason and dialog lie in the incompetent and belligerent President Bush.